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Mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome

Early years[ edit ] Born in BârladCocea claimed lineage from the lesser boyar aristocracy of Moldavia.

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Another Saint Sava student, Ion G. Duca the Prime Minister of Romania inwas occasionally present among them, but political differences drew them apart with time. Popescu-Cadem, there is no record of him ever attending that institution. He flunked out after the 3rd and 7th grades, was transferred to Ploieștithen returned to Saint Sava only to pass reexamination.

All members of the group visited with the Symbolist doyen Alexandru Macedonski[12] although Cocea the writer was first discovered by Symbolist academic Ovid Densusianu and his Vieața Nouă review. Under the pen name Nely, he published the defiantly erotic novel Poet-Poetăwith a preface by Galactionthat resulted in his near-definitive expulsion from public high mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome.

At this stage in life, he was probably acquainted with the French roots of Romanian radical liberalismwhich infused his left-wing outlook.

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Cocea's sister Alicethe future comedian, was born in Sinaiawhere Dumitru Cocea was stationed inand also settled in France at a later date. He was at the time married to Florica Mille, daughter of Constantin Mille.

This was another break with the Cocea family tradition: allegedly, General Dumitru Cocea had once nuit insolite suisse anti aging his troops to devastate the Adevărul offices. This unusual vision was preserved in the magazine the three published together duringLinia Dreaptă "The Straight Line".

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Cocea is said to have lost it, an event which marked the first of several disagreements between them. Cocea's profile in political journalism was boosted. He is the probable source of a much circulated canard, taken up by Adevărul, according to which Romanian authorities had killed 11, or more peasant insurgents.

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Cocea was mainly active on the lower course of the Danuberecognized by other socialists as "one of the leaders of the [workers'] movement" in Brăila. After the România Muncitoare circle organized a socialist rally in Brăila, Dezrobirea's entire staff was arrested on orders from Prefect Nicolae T. Farangawho also confiscated most of the printed issues although some 1, were still freely distributed among the intrigued peasants.

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As Cocea later mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome, the veteran leader confessed to him that he was being brought down by acute insomnia.

Literary historian Paul Cernat argues that, like Symbolist poet N. DavidescuCocea spent the — period disseminating îngrijirea pliurilor nazolabiale literature "on all fronts".

While there, he militated in favor of modernized art, urging artists to destroy "antiquated artistic formulas" and to subvert "the laws of nature". The magazine, which received contributions from Dobrogeanu-Gherea, militated for universal suffragesocial equality and land reformwhile informing readers about world socialism.

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His partner in this venture was a veteran of theatrical life, Alexandru Davila. The latter, identified as Romania's first socialist and satirical magazine by Arghezi himself, [57] was soon joined by the year-old poet Ion Vineaas literary columnist and campaigner for post-Symbolist literature, [58] [59] with painters Iser [60] and Camil Ressu [61] as illustrators. The other noted contributors to Cocea's publications were Toma DraguSaniel Grossman[57] George Diamandy[62] Camil Petrescu [63] and avant-garde critic Poldi Chapierwhose article for Rampa chronicled the international success of Futurism.

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Crăiniceanu and his sons, had similar results: the journalist was handed a preemptive and dishonorable military discharge. Its attack was concentrated on Drum Drept and Convorbiri Critice magazines the focus of Vinea's mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome [72] and on antisemitic historian Nicolae Iorgawho had earlier dismissed Facla as a venue for Jewish Romanian interests. As a socialist, Cocea attacked the Poporanists for supporting artistic nationalism, and then for courting the mainstream National Liberal Party.

One of them, Constantin Titel Petrescuinforms that Cocea "could not live by the party discipline".

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In this context, the Francophile Cocea manifested himself as an outspoken partisan of Romania's alliance with the Entente. The latter three were committed Germanophiles who proceeded to publish their own review, Cronica.

In Facla, Cocea made thinly veiled comments about the poet's mother, an unmarried woman, and suggested that the Cronica staff "still lives on the morsels left over from Bogdan-Pitești's feasts". Cocea joined the government and Land Forces on their retreat to Western Moldavia. Reunited with Vinea, he helped publish a daily named Deșteptarea "The Awakening"flirting with the Germanophiles and Zimmerwald neutralistshotly criticizing the Ententist and National Liberal establishment.

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His activities there included putting out the French-language magazine, L'Entente "The Entente"which was financed by his old rivals, the Romanian National Liberals. He later claimed to have been present, on Revolution day, in the Petrograd Soviet hall, hearing the victorious speech of Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin[88] and to have later attended the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. He interviewed Lenin about the Bolsheviks' goals, assuring him that his replies would be published verbatim.

Under his direction December to FebruaryDeșteptarea became a new edition of Chemarea.

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It was often issued with large blank spaces, showing interventions by military censors. A new presence on these two periodicals was writer Jacques G. Costinwho produced several political pieces including a renewed denunciation of Hefter-Hidalgo and later the musical chronicle.

A Marxist literary critic, Ovid Crohmălniceanuproposes that Cocea's renewed offensive missed the mark, lacking "a clear enough vision".

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He represented a non-partisan electoral list for Bucharest the Citizen's Listwhose other two candidates, physician Nicolae L. Lupu and lawyer Constantin Costa-Forualso won seats. They sought to invalidate his candidature, citing a law which prevented those with a military discharge from running in elections.

The National Liberal motion was however defeated when Cocea, who presented himself as a political victim, earned unexpected support from the Romanian National Party and the Democratic Nationalist Party. The notion was contested by another socialist deputy, Dragu—early signs of a schism between the Cominternist socialist-communists and those who followed the Vienna International. This Poporanist group, which reacted against National Liberal politics and sought peace with the socialists and the Soviets, was called "civilized and Westernized " by the socialist journalist.

He argued that Parliament itself should be replaced with a technocratic body, elected by a radical form of universal suffrage[] and clamored his belief that "in short while, [ Dobrescu and other lawyers on the Dealul Spirii Trial defense team. Mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome involvement in various other civic and cultural campaigns. He mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome, ina member of the Romanian Friends of Naturea socialist-inspired environmental organizationand, the following year, joined Dem I.

Dobrescu in creating the League for Human Rights.

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It was supposed to revolutionize Romanian theaterbut disappeared after only a few months of existence February He soon publicized a claim that King Ferdinand and his favorite minister, Brătianu, had together given legal foundations to a plutocracy. An unsigned note in that paper announced that Cocea had been imprisoned "for the least of his crimes", and called to mind that Cocea had been lampooning its editor, Octavian Goga.

ByVinea and Contimporanul were toning down their own socialist agenda, cooperating instead with the moderate National Peasants' Partyand even drawing suspicion from the left that they had become sympathetic to fascism.

Cocea is believed to have been largely inactive in the political press.

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He was tried and imprisoned for statutory rapehaving eloped with the year-old Gina, orphaned daughter of the wealthy National Liberal politico Ion Manolescu-Strunga. The traditionalist periodical Neamul Românescput out by Nicolae Iorgahad "Cocea Niculae" on its blacklistas the third most offensive Romanian author the avant-garde authors H.

Bonciu and Mișcare anti-îmbătrânire noome Bogza were at No. As commentators have since noted, the two journalists were equally vulgar, but Șeicaru had been enlisted by the nationalists and the traditionalists.

She was in reality the lover of PCR activist Ion Gheorghe Maurerwhom the journalist continued to view as his friend.

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In one of its internal memos, Siguranța Statului reviewed the first of these as inoffensively "academic", the second as "agitatorial". In Mayhe caught Siguranța's attention as a would-be collaborator to Callimachi's anti-fascist review Munca "The Labor". The periodical, already in existence for five years, was making efforts to reach the apolitical public.

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It kept notes on his meetings with French press correspondents, with Spanish Republican diplomats and with disgraced Jewish Romanian journalists such as Jacques G. Lupu for having then lost faith in socialism. Aroundhe was separated from his wife Gina, following a series of disagreements in the family.